Saudi Bombing of Yemen

Excerpts from a William D. Hartung oped in the New York Times, April 22, 2016.

As of April 2016, more than 3,200 civilians had been killed in Yemen since Saudi Arabia began its bombing campaign.  A majority of the deaths were the result of airstrikes, many of which were carried out with aircraft, bombs and missiles supplied by the United States and Britain, including U.S.-supplied cluster bombs.

The use of cluster bombs is banned by an international treaty -- a treaty that neither the United States nor Saudi Arabia has signed. The United States also provides logistical support to the Royal Saudi Air Force for its airstrikes in Yemen.

Saudi strikes have hit marketplaces, hospitals and other civilian targets, attacks that Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have said may constitute war crimes.

Besides U.S. arms transfers to Saudi Arabia being questionable on human rights grounds, they also have negative strategic consequences. The Saudi-led incursion against Houthi rebels in Yemen has opened the way for jihadist groups to gain territory and influence. Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula is now firmly entrenched in the Yemeni city of Mukalla.

President Obama has acknowledged that competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran "has helped feed proxy wars and chaos in Syria and Iraq and Yemen," and he has said that Riyadh and Tehran should "share the neighborhood and institute some sort of cold peace." This is less likely to happen if billions of dollars worth of U.S. arms continue to flow to the Saudis, with no effective conditions on how they are used.

"One justification that has been put forward for the continued flow of weaponry from the United States to Saudi Arabia is that it provides reassurance to the kingdom's leadership that Washington won't tilt toward the Iranians in the wake of the deal reached last year over Iran's nuclear program. But if demonstrating a commitment to the Saudi government entails supporting deadly and reckless initiatives, like the war in Yemen, the policy is not worth the price. "

"Another reason the arms deals with Saudi Arabia keep coming is that they are a bonanza for American arms makers that need foreign markets to make up for a leveling off of Pentagon procurement. But domestic economic concerns should not be allowed to override American security interests in the Middle East."

Senator Chris Murphy (D-Conn) and Senator Rand Paul (R-Kentucky) have introduced legislation that would stop transfers of air-to-ground munitions to Saudi Arabia until the kingdom focuses its efforts in Yemen on attacking terrorist organizations and takes "all feasible precautions to reduce the risk of harm to civilians and civilian infrastructure."

Mr. Hartung advises President Obama to press King Salman to adhere to a newly [April 2016] imposed cease-fire in Yemen and agree to permanently end his country's indiscriminate bombing there as part of United Nations peace talks. Also, the president should make clear that transfers of bombs and missiles to the kingdom will stop until King Salman does stop the bombing. This should be the first step in a re-evaluation of the security implications of  open-ended arms sales to Saudi Arabia.

William D. Hartung is the director of the Arms and Security Project at the Center for International Policy and a senior adviser to the Security Assistance Monitor.